Political groups in Myanmar; Disagreements over sovereignty and national identity

The ideological differences within Burmese political groups, including military leaders and different ethnic groups, have historically seen “Burman” or “Myanmar” viewed. That is the definition.

Successive military-dominated governments since 1962 have held the idea that the current state has been a unified state for thousands of years since the reign of King Anawrahta of Bagan. Therefore, non-Burman ethnic groups must limit their demands for equal rights so as not to divide their country as a minority group. There was the idea of ​​control. In contrast, the Union of Burma, a non-Burman ethnic group, was an independent frontier that was incorporated under British colonial India, which merged on an equal footing when the colonial government left in 1948. It is considered a political group.

Theoretically, the current political map has a form of proportional representation for ethnic groups. For the majority ethnic groups, there are seven states (Chin, Kachin, Kayin, Kayah, Mon, Rakhine and Shan) and seven predominantly Burman regions (formerly Divisions). But in a world dominated by military and centralized politics, there is no real balance of true autonomy.

Today, differing ideas are still reflected in Panglong. The monument, which commemorates the historic treaty, proclaimed “the unification of the mainland and the mountains.” Yet, the “mainland” could not be considered the center of the Burman majority, and the “mountains” that had been under Burmese rule before the colonial period could not be considered mountainous areas or sub-territories inhabited by non-Burmans. Today, Burma is a new, equal union that respects the political rights of all ethnic groups, as was agreed upon after independence. Panglong seems to want to repeat that fact. Without such an agreement, a new union would not have emerged.

As a result, the struggle for ethnic rights and equality continues to this day across the country. Looking back at Panglong, the ethnic leaders are committed to peace and stability. Stability and the common national symbol are the right to self-determination; Democracy It can be achieved through equitable distribution of resources and political power. They believe it can be guaranteed. Only then can we create a national identity and political system that is acceptable to all non-Burman ethnic groups.

But for the time being, most ethnic groups feel they are trapped under a form of colonial rule by their Burmese rulers. In fact, a new Diakite-style form of government, similar to the British-administered divisions of mainland Burma and the former border areas, appears to have emerged as part of the 2011 political changes under President Thein Sein. Although parliamentary system has emerged from the capital, Naypyidaw, at the heart of the country’s “mainland”, the ethnic states remain “mountainous” conflict areas under military rule and authority.

As a result, most ethnic groups feel excluded from participating in the country’s politics, even in the face of political change. Political repression will only result in continued ethnic instability, as military repression will never bring about ethnic equality. Sustainable peace and the rule of law can only be achieved if the Panglong Agreement, as agreed in 1947, restores the vision and policies of a common union of all ethnic groups.…

The Cycle Of Revolution In Burma

Myanmar gained independence from Britain in 1948. Similarly, the civil war, the birthplace of independence, was not long after independence.

Although officially the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, Kachin, Karen Mon Myanmar, Rakhine Shan and other ethnic groups; Other armed groups and the Tatmadaw have not been able to reach a ceasefire to date. Statements from the military can be heard, but the voices of the ethnic nationalities can only be heard by those on the mainland through private media.

This book is a translation of Bertelina’s book Burma in Revolt, which has been documenting Burmese politics and ethnic armed groups in the border areas since the 1980s.

The book consists of 10 chapters, covering the assassination attempt by the Secretariat; Yangon Government Burmese riddles that are not easy to comprehend; Peace must be achieved within a year. Secret War Retreating into the wilderness; The military has seized power. The communist regime’s destructive military machinery; Weapons Drug and ethnic resistance; The outbreak of the 8888 uprising; These include a military coup and a proliferation of drugs.

The letter, written by Bertel Lina, author of several interviews with the Communist Party and ethnic militias, states that the civil war in Burma has lasted for a long time.

First of all, Bertelina, the author of the original book, has been traveling to the border areas and witnessing live with the insurgency since a time when it was difficult for a local to cover the Burmese insurgency.

He is concerned about Burma. He is also currently writing on ethnic issues. Land of Jade based on northern Kachin issues; He authored a number of books, including The 88 Real Uprising and Outrage; Burma’s Struggle for Democracy.

1947 – One year after the assassination of General Aung San and members of his government, independence in 1948. Information in Panglong Agreement Communist Party of Burma Then there are the civil wars; The position of the ethnic armed groups; China’s involvement in Burma’s insurgency နဝတ၊ SPDC peace efforts; Internal and external peace efforts under Thein Sein; It is clear that the general views of both sides are written in detail.

During Thein Sein’s tenure, foreign “peace envoys” “Repatriation expert”; Crowds flocked to their stake in Burma. Only a handful of these experts have a very deep understanding of the complexities of ethnic issues in Burma. ”

In short, this book is about the situation after independence from England. Armed insurgent groups along the border; Opium cultivation; It is definitely a good book to refer to when it comes to the opium market.

The more than 500-page book contains photographic evidence and is sure to be a reference to post-1948 Burmese politics.…